Roller-Coaster: Europe, 1950-2017
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- Author：Ian Kershaw
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Summary
A SUNDAY TIMES BESTSELLER
SHORTLISTED FOR THE LIONEL GELBER PRIZE 2020
'Brilliant 。。。 a historical masterpiece' The Times Literary Supplement
From one of Britain's most distinguished historians and the bestselling author of Hitler， this is the definitive history of a divided Europe， from the aftermath of the Second World War to the present。
After the overwhelming horrors of the first half of the 20th century， described by Ian Kershaw in his previous book as having gone 'to Hell and back'， the years from 1950 to 2017 brought peace and relative prosperity to most of Europe。 Enormous economic improvements transformed the continent。 The catastrophic era of the world wars receded into an ever more distant past， though its long shadow continued to shape mentalities。
Europe was now a divided continent， living under the nuclear threat in a period intermittently fraught with anxiety。 Europeans experienced a 'roller-coaster ride'， both in the sense that they were flung through a series of events which threatened disaster， but also in that they were no longer in charge of their own destinies: for much of the period the USA and USSR effectively reduced Europeans to helpless figures whose fates were dictated to them by the Cold War。 There were striking successes - the Soviet bloc melted away， dictatorships vanished and Germany was successfully reunited。 But accelerating globalization brought new fragilities。 The impact of interlocking crises after 2008 was the clearest warning to Europeans that there was no guarantee of peace and stability。
In this remarkable book， Ian Kershaw has created a grand panorama of the world we live in and where it came from。 Drawing on examples from all across the continent， Roller-Coaster will make us all rethink Europe and what it means to be European。
SHORTLISTED FOR THE LIONEL GELBER PRIZE 2020
'Brilliant 。。。 a historical masterpiece' The Times Literary Supplement
From one of Britain's most distinguished historians and the bestselling author of Hitler， this is the definitive history of a divided Europe， from the aftermath of the Second World War to the present。
After the overwhelming horrors of the first half of the 20th century， described by Ian Kershaw in his previous book as having gone 'to Hell and back'， the years from 1950 to 2017 brought peace and relative prosperity to most of Europe。 Enormous economic improvements transformed the continent。 The catastrophic era of the world wars receded into an ever more distant past， though its long shadow continued to shape mentalities。
Europe was now a divided continent， living under the nuclear threat in a period intermittently fraught with anxiety。 Europeans experienced a 'roller-coaster ride'， both in the sense that they were flung through a series of events which threatened disaster， but also in that they were no longer in charge of their own destinies: for much of the period the USA and USSR effectively reduced Europeans to helpless figures whose fates were dictated to them by the Cold War。 There were striking successes - the Soviet bloc melted away， dictatorships vanished and Germany was successfully reunited。 But accelerating globalization brought new fragilities。 The impact of interlocking crises after 2008 was the clearest warning to Europeans that there was no guarantee of peace and stability。
In this remarkable book， Ian Kershaw has created a grand panorama of the world we live in and where it came from。 Drawing on examples from all across the continent， Roller-Coaster will make us all rethink Europe and what it means to be European。
Reviews
Tristram Shandy
，
“The European Union could nevertheless point to significant achievements。 A framework of international cooperation， the extension of the rule of law， the upholding of human rights， the establishment of a security network， and the creation of a single currency for a majority of member states， had all helped to widen prosperity and to dilute the nationalism that had once poisoned Europe， to strengthen civil society and to build solid democratic foundations。”Writing a European history about the sec “The European Union could nevertheless point to significant achievements。 A framework of international cooperation， the extension of the rule of law， the upholding of human rights， the establishment of a security network， and the creation of a single currency for a majority of member states， had all helped to widen prosperity and to dilute the nationalism that had once poisoned Europe， to strengthen civil society and to build solid democratic foundations。”Writing a European history about the second half of the 20th century is a challenge in many respects， one of which may lie in the need to find a suitable focus in order to organize the whole narration。 Without such a focus a historian would simply end up amassing data and frustrating his readers by sending them into an endless number of blind alleys。 Nevertheless， there is also an obvious danger in such a focal point， namely teleological historiography， which selects events according to whether they fit into the perceived pattern or not， or which cannot refrain from offering the reader value judgements on the developments described along the way。 Ian Kershaw’s history of Europe from 1950 to 2017， which he calls Roller-Coaster because of the ups and downs the story takes， is focused on the road towards European unification， a process which he regards as mostly beneficial in that it prevented the individual states from trying to steer through the various economic and political crises arising in the late 20th century and the early years of the new millennium with only their national interests before their eyes。 Kershaw gives ample evidence of how past economic crises could be tackled through European cooperation， and his assumption that Europe might once again have slithered into war or authoritarian regimes without such cooperation has a lot to go for it。 On the other hand， even though he sees the European Union as a common good that has influenced the development of our continent， and of world history， for the better， he does not turn a blind eye to the instances in which European cooperation was， at best， lukewarm or non-existent， as in the refugee crisis。Kershaw also largely avoids teleology as when in the final part of the book he compares the present to a barred gate through the cracks of whose door you might spot various paths leading into the realm of the future， some of which seeming broader and less crooked than others – even though the Peeping Tom in front of the door may not know which of these paths is going to be the one we will all have to tread， but still you can read his European history as a plea for European unification， and it is this leading assumption – which does not really pervade Kershaw’s tale in its entirety， but which becomes dominant in the last chapter – with which I have some issues。 Kershaw argues that the EU helped many countries of the former eastern bloc to deal with the imminent problems they had to deal with after the fall of the Iron Curtain and offered them a future vision that overcame internal strife and kept populism from the right at bay， and he claims that civil liberties and democratic principles thrived best within the framework guaranteed by the Union， whereas the labels he sticks on national thinking are best summarized with the word “poisonous”。 Even the failures of the EU in dealing with the Yugoslavian war or the refugee crisis， among others， do not make him sway from this judgement。 It would have been interesting to know whether Kershaw might see the EU in a more ambiguous light， had the current Covid crisis been part of his history。 In one passage of his book， he concedes that the EU – I am using the term as synonymous with any of its predecessors here – has a legitimation problem in that a political union and the transference of national rights to the Union has never been agreed upon in elections or plebiscites， and in that hardly any of the Union’s institutions is elected， but this only happens once within roughly 560 pages of text。 At the same time， however， I think this is a crucial point: Up to the present， we know of no level of viable democratic participation larger than the nation-state （if you set aside examples like Belgium or Switzerland， which work on a smaller level）， and given the increase in multiculturalism and individualism as well as the loss of attraction experienced by the Christian churches， there is hardly anything that could inspire people with a European identity。 It is such an identity， though， also on the emotional level， that enables people to forego some of their own personal advantages in favour of a common goal – and I cannot see this development happening in the present EU， which I perceive as mostly neoliberal， elitist and distrustful of “the people”。 What is more， current crises have shown how brittle the rule of law and civic liberties – linked by Kershaw with a strengthening EU – are， and now we are going through a time where governments intervene into the most private spheres of their citizens’ lives in the name of a war against a virus。 This development started well before the pandemic – and examples like Australia show that we are still comparatively well off – but it is definitely linked with a Union that shies away from offering its citizens opportunities of direct democratic participation and from legitimizing its trend towards supranational structures via plebiscite and elections。 Brexit would have offered a chance here， but it was ignored。I must confess that reading the last chapter of Kershaw’s book temporarily galled the entire experience for me， giving me the feeling I was being worked upon in favour of condoning with an elitist supranational European state that failed to guarantee democratic participation rights， but then， taking two or rather a dozen steps aside after finishing the book， I remembered that the bulk of the book was informative， well-structured and mostly well-argued。 Especially the first half， which looked at European history up to the 70s， is perfect in its balance， its detail and its conclusiveness。 Unfortunately， Kershaw does not quite maintain his exceptionally high standard for the second part of the book， probably because this would have meant incorporating a lot more of data and material – for example with regard to a history of mentalities （which was excellent in the first part） or to a history of media development and how it shaped people’s perception of policy and their private lives。 Still， Kershaw’s history remains erudite and， overall， comprehensive even here。It is probably that the closer a period of history is to you chronologically， the more your reception of its historiography depends on whether you happen to share the writer’s underlying assumptions or not。 Nevertheless， with my caveat against seeing a supranational union of Europe as the be-all and end-all of Europe’s history， I would still regard Kershaw’s work as a exemplary piece of history-writing。 。。。more
Kubah
，
A very pro-EU integration history of Europe written by a British historian shortly after Brexit。
Mashrafi
，
The sequel to "To Hell and Back" by Ian Kershaw is his account of Europe from 1950-2017， titled appropriate: Roller-Coaster。 First， to speak of the book itself from a scholarly perspective。 It lacks the substance that would really push it into serious historical books （though that doesn't say anything against Kershaw， this particular book was made for a specific audience） This is more so for the layman to read and understand a large part of European history relatively quickly。 If you have been f The sequel to "To Hell and Back" by Ian Kershaw is his account of Europe from 1950-2017， titled appropriate: Roller-Coaster。 First， to speak of the book itself from a scholarly perspective。 It lacks the substance that would really push it into serious historical books （though that doesn't say anything against Kershaw， this particular book was made for a specific audience） This is more so for the layman to read and understand a large part of European history relatively quickly。 If you have been following the news for the past few years and you're active in intellectual circles， the book's last quarter is completely negligible because you won't really learn anything new there。 Everything from the start of the book to his account of the fall of Yugoslavia is perfect though。 I would recommend people to read about that portion even if you are familiar with it， just because the impeccable writing skills of Kershaw make it a lot more enjoyable and almost movie-like。Overall， this is yet another great work of history by Ian Kershaw and I am happy to finish the second book in this series。 。。。more
Ed
，
Good A very interesting and comprehensive study of European history between 1950 2017 。 Very readable account。 Enjoyed the audible version
Rick Ludwig
，
This is a scholarly account covering almost seventy years of European history。 I found it extremely enlightening and comprehensive。 I look forward to reading other volumes in this Penguin History of Europe。
Nicholas Little
，
I am a fan of Ian Kershaw - he has a talent for making complex events clear。 A talent it is easy to unestimate。 This book shows the best of Kershaw - a seemingly straightforward narrative through complex times， highlighting the main political， economic and social issues during the last seventy years of Europe's post war history。 But on the other hand， there were no new insights， nor did it over a perspective beyond that of the unradical progressive left。 I am a fan of Ian Kershaw - he has a talent for making complex events clear。 A talent it is easy to unestimate。 This book shows the best of Kershaw - a seemingly straightforward narrative through complex times， highlighting the main political， economic and social issues during the last seventy years of Europe's post war history。 But on the other hand， there were no new insights， nor did it over a perspective beyond that of the unradical progressive left。 。。。more
Scott Martin
，
（Audiobook） （3。5 stars） Most of the works I've seen/read by Kershaw focused on World War II and the years immediately preceding and following that conflict。 So， it was interesting to see him attempt tackle how Europe evolved from World War II， looking at the height of the Cold War to the present day。 It is a massive undertaking， one that attempts to tackle in one volume。 It is not a bad effort， as he offers insight into the political/military/economic actions that defined the continent， with som （Audiobook） （3。5 stars） Most of the works I've seen/read by Kershaw focused on World War II and the years immediately preceding and following that conflict。 So， it was interesting to see him attempt tackle how Europe evolved from World War II， looking at the height of the Cold War to the present day。 It is a massive undertaking， one that attempts to tackle in one volume。 It is not a bad effort， as he offers insight into the political/military/economic actions that defined the continent， with some room for social/cultural issues。 Kershaw looks at Europe in a classical historical analysis， one that would be familiar with his school/previous background， so a lot of focus on hard-power aspects。 Still， no one book can capture the entirety of European recent history， and this is no exception。 The strongest parts of the work are the political and national-economic level actions。 There is some military analysis， but given that Europe was not in the middle of any major fighting ala World War II， Kershaw seems a little out of his element。 There are plenty of other resources that can plug in the gaps。 The book is a good starter work， but not quite organized enough for a textbook， but not complete enough to be a one-size-fits-all work。 The rating is the same for audiobook as hard-copy/e-copy。 。。。more
Sengeset
，
Ian Kershaws "Rollercoaster" is not for the specialists who like to deep dive into a particular topic and get the juicy details。 The topic is too broad for that。 Over the roughly 550 pages or so of the book， Kershaw attempts to cover a vast array of political events and twists in a notoriously pluralistic and complex continent such as Europe。 That's no easy task， but one that he manages to perform very well。 After reading this book， I feel I am much more capable of grasping the "broad-strokes" e Ian Kershaws "Rollercoaster" is not for the specialists who like to deep dive into a particular topic and get the juicy details。 The topic is too broad for that。 Over the roughly 550 pages or so of the book， Kershaw attempts to cover a vast array of political events and twists in a notoriously pluralistic and complex continent such as Europe。 That's no easy task， but one that he manages to perform very well。 After reading this book， I feel I am much more capable of grasping the "broad-strokes" evolution of the European continent from the pre-war decades to the 1973 oil collapse and up until my own living memory。 The narrative is one of a Europe struggling to come to terms with the two knockout punches of WW1 and WW2， enjoying and damning the vagaries of globalization according to the rise and fall of the titular rollercoaster， battling a precarious and potentially devastating East-West divide， and optimistically proclaiming the dawn of a new era as the colonies deattach themselves from their masters and the Iron Curtain collapses。 If we see "Europe" as a titular character it is a deeply troubled and controversial one， capable of great deeds， but also great depravity。 Much like a drunken and generous reveller， there have been moments of ecstasy and celebration， only to be followed by a brutal hangover once reality sets in on the proverbial rainy。 Sunday morningIn equal turns Europe acknowledges past mistakes and learns from them， only soon to forget the lessons of the past and returning to old and destructive habits。 During the good times， liberal democracy had no issue in rooting itself deeply into society， creating prosperity for most。 In later decades as again financial disaster struck and the immigration waves came， the people again started huddling in front of demagogues promising the moon and the stars to their disgruntled followers。 The celebratory scenes of East and West jubilantly socializing and breathing free air together soon gave way to brutal economical realities， plunging many former Easterners into the lower strata of society。 In Yugoslavia the embers of nationalism that had been kept on ice by Tito soon erupted into flames and as recently in the 1990s the Balkans again became a battleground in Europe。。 or what even counts as Europe？ Was this an "European conflict" or was it something external？ This is something that divides conscienses even today。 No matter the truth， the optimism of the New Europe was curbstomped。Europe is in equal terms a landmass and an idea。 As shown by the massively fluctuating support for the European Union and the resistance to closer integration。 An European identity might never be shaped， which makes it all the harder to predict the future of this battered antihero called Europe。 Personally， I have a feeling that Europe has at least matured from its chauvinistc， combative past to become a more balanced and even-handed adult， but both the past and the future might come to haunt us， as we are squeezed between the double threat of rising nationalism and climate change。 Let us enjoy Europe for all it has to offer and hope that the rollercoaster ride ends safely。。 。。。more
Paul Dinger
，
This is a great follow up to Kershaw's Hell and Back。 Many of the same hystorical people show up。 I really liked this history of the modern world that literally does right into the present， 2017。 Kershaw plays no favorites and everyone gets seen in good and bad lights from Putin， to Margaret Thatcher to Reagan and onward。 This is a really good read。 This is a great follow up to Kershaw's Hell and Back。 Many of the same hystorical people show up。 I really liked this history of the modern world that literally does right into the present， 2017。 Kershaw plays no favorites and everyone gets seen in good and bad lights from Putin， to Margaret Thatcher to Reagan and onward。 This is a really good read。 。。。more
Lucas
，
Increíble resumen de los últimos 70 años de Europa。 No debe ser fácil lograrlo con tanta información y temas para tratar pero Sir Kershaw lo hace de manera súper interesante y muy amena。
Rodolfo Barazorda Vega
，
No solo EuropaMaestro es el mejor título que se me ocurre para el señor Kershaw pues su prosa es directa， clara， concisa y a la vez trepidante， como de una novela se tratase。 La exposición de los hechos y la valoración de estos se complementan magistralmente de tal modo que el lector queda plenamente inmerso en el tiempo y en el espacio en el que se desarrollan los hechos。Y para un lector de habla hispana la prosa no rebuscada e innecesaria hace que el libro sea muy entendible y de pleno disfrut No solo EuropaMaestro es el mejor título que se me ocurre para el señor Kershaw pues su prosa es directa， clara， concisa y a la vez trepidante， como de una novela se tratase。 La exposición de los hechos y la valoración de estos se complementan magistralmente de tal modo que el lector queda plenamente inmerso en el tiempo y en el espacio en el que se desarrollan los hechos。Y para un lector de habla hispana la prosa no rebuscada e innecesaria hace que el libro sea muy entendible y de pleno disfrute。 Tremendamente recomendable。 。。。more
S。
，
Kershaw is most famous for his Hitler and WW2 books， but his skill extends here to post-war Europe。 this volume is possibly a touch weaker than Judt's Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945， but it is an skillful history nonetheless。 the sort of tragedy of European history is expressed。 4/5 Kershaw is most famous for his Hitler and WW2 books， but his skill extends here to post-war Europe。 this volume is possibly a touch weaker than Judt's Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945， but it is an skillful history nonetheless。 the sort of tragedy of European history is expressed。 4/5 。。。more
Stefania
，
Να μελετάτε το παρελθόν。 Το παρελθόν είναι πρόλογος。Η Ιστορία παρέχει απλώς κάποιες πληροφορίες που βοηθούν να διαμορφώσουμε μια άποψη για αυτό που δεν είμαστε σε θέση να προβλέψουμε。Πόσο αδιανόητα σημαντικό είναι έστω και αυτό。
Filipp Miroshnichenko
，
Monotonous and uninspired。
Victoriavalerie
，
Very in-depth and covering a wide range of topics （mostly political and economics though） and countries。 In its aim of providing an impartial account it relies heavily on statistics which makes it a little dry in parts。
Collins Roth
，
This is the second kershaw book I read recently and it suffers the same plodding writing style through long portions。 Sections felt like long lists of names and events w/o a lot of insight or scene setting。 Other areas were insightful- particularly the more recent periods post 1989。 The explanation of the Yugoslavia wars took a complicated period and summarized very insightful。 But if I had to recommend a book on the earlier periods I would point to Judt's Post War or Mak's In Europe as they are This is the second kershaw book I read recently and it suffers the same plodding writing style through long portions。 Sections felt like long lists of names and events w/o a lot of insight or scene setting。 Other areas were insightful- particularly the more recent periods post 1989。 The explanation of the Yugoslavia wars took a complicated period and summarized very insightful。 But if I had to recommend a book on the earlier periods I would point to Judt's Post War or Mak's In Europe as they are both easier to read and more flavorful。。。 。。。more
Philip
，
3。5
Michael
，
Having read To Hell and Back， Mr。 Kershaw's history of Europe from 1914 to 1949， I looked forward to the sequel。 Mr。 Kershaw certainly is comprehensive in his research with an extensive bibliography and end notes chronicling his efforts。 Mr。 Kershaw notes the difficulty in writing this book due to the sheer volume of activity in Europe over the period he covers。As a result of covering nearly twice the period of Europe's history in his second volume （notwithstanding the first period chronicled to Having read To Hell and Back， Mr。 Kershaw's history of Europe from 1914 to 1949， I looked forward to the sequel。 Mr。 Kershaw certainly is comprehensive in his research with an extensive bibliography and end notes chronicling his efforts。 Mr。 Kershaw notes the difficulty in writing this book due to the sheer volume of activity in Europe over the period he covers。As a result of covering nearly twice the period of Europe's history in his second volume （notwithstanding the first period chronicled to World Wars）， the Global Age represents more of a sketch of the events of the latter half of the 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century。 Although Mr。 Kershaw dives somewhat deeply into some events， the sheer scale of this venture requires more shallow dives and then moves on to the next event。 I would have liked to have seen him break up this volume into two parts; a good cutoff point could have been the fall of the Berlin Wall or the Soviet Union with a 3rd volume chronicling the age of terrorism， uncertainty and the various forays into a more nationalistic， populist point of view。I also could tell that Mr。 Kershaw approaches history from a liberal point of view。 His comments regarding Brexit， Trump's impact on Europe and other developments in the latter half of this book start with a premise that these events were a negative on Europe's development。 Certainly， there is a valid argument to be made that these developments were in fact negative。 It would have been appropriate to dive a little more deeply into underlying causes of these events to balance Mr。 Kershaw's deeper explanations as to why the events were troublesome for Europe。Overall， I am glad to have read this history of Europe。 。。。more
Alexis Grenier
，
4。5。 Well written and very informative。
carl theaker
，
A good introduction to the happenings in Europe for this contemporary era。 562 pages an introduction？ 67 years for couple dozen countries is a lot to cover。 Fortunately Author Kershaw writes in an engaging style， however as with a history of this nature you have to cover economics， so unless you’re fasciated that Hungary’s GDP was 1。5% higher than Romania’s in 1957， you may want to power read a few sections。 In the forward Kershaw notes his own peculiar situation with constructing this volume， w A good introduction to the happenings in Europe for this contemporary era。 562 pages an introduction？ 67 years for couple dozen countries is a lot to cover。 Fortunately Author Kershaw writes in an engaging style， however as with a history of this nature you have to cover economics， so unless you’re fasciated that Hungary’s GDP was 1。5% higher than Romania’s in 1957， you may want to power read a few sections。 In the forward Kershaw notes his own peculiar situation with constructing this volume， which is despite being the author of dozens of books on European history， he has never written a history on a period in which he was alive。 He fears the lack of objectivity and the problem of one’s own experiences intruding on the story。 To add my take on this noted peculiarity， this is exactly what the book suffers from， that is， it reads like Kershaw’s own personal take on events， more of an opinion piece。 With his knowledge and experience he of course has great insight to the many important events， it just seems like he is cheering for things to go a certain way。 He has a problem with Triumphalism， a word only an historian could love， or make up， which means he really dislikes it when something goes right for some country， and immediately starts to tear it down。 This is connected to that whenever an outside force has an effect on the region， say the USA， China， Russia or the Middle East， if the effect is negative for Europe， there is a full explanation， if it positive， a one-liner seems to do。 When the story moves to more contemporary times， say after 2000， it feels like I’m reading the news。 I don’t entirely fault the author， it is that his opinions sound like any other one may read or see comments about。 One can wonder， when does history start， or end？ 。。。more
Maria
，
Europe was devastated and divided after World War II。 Six years of war had wrecked countries， infrastructure and left millions as refugees。 So it is remarkable that it was rebuilt so quickly and had decades of stability。 Granted the first couple of decades were fraught with anxiety and the threat of the Cold War turning hot。 But these decades were also the beginning of a supranational community and other experiments to prevent further war。 Why I started this book: I was excited to find this mass Europe was devastated and divided after World War II。 Six years of war had wrecked countries， infrastructure and left millions as refugees。 So it is remarkable that it was rebuilt so quickly and had decades of stability。 Granted the first couple of decades were fraught with anxiety and the threat of the Cold War turning hot。 But these decades were also the beginning of a supranational community and other experiments to prevent further war。 Why I started this book: I was excited to find this massive history series on Audible。 Nothing better than a long history book， and I was to extend my knowledge from Postwar: A History of Europe Since 1945Why I finished it: Mainly focusing on politics， this book has a lot of ground to cover and so it keeps things brief。 Which is a funny thing to say about a 27 hour long book。 But it raced along from country to country， showing the largest trends and issues of the past 75+ years。 。。。more
Martin Winter
，
I have to say， this took me a really long time to finish， as it carries so many simultaneous threads that it is hard to keep track of what is going on。 This is to be expected of a history of such a grand scope， nonetheless I will probably take bit time off of such grand historical epics after this one。
Markus Holst
，
A masterpiece
David
，
A really well written History of Europe since the Second World War。 Having lived through the majority of the post-war period myself， it was quite jarring to read such a broad sweep of history。 This is because， as a politically aware teenager in the 80s， the existence of a cold war seemed interminable and destined to last for ever。 However， reading it in this way， the division of Europe between East and West， the existence of the Warsaw Pact， the GDR etc seem like a brief aberration。 The book end A really well written History of Europe since the Second World War。 Having lived through the majority of the post-war period myself， it was quite jarring to read such a broad sweep of history。 This is because， as a politically aware teenager in the 80s， the existence of a cold war seemed interminable and destined to last for ever。 However， reading it in this way， the division of Europe between East and West， the existence of the Warsaw Pact， the GDR etc seem like a brief aberration。 The book ends with the twin shocks of Trump becoming US president and the Leave victory in the EU referendum and， as such， paints a bleak and uncertain prognosis for the future of Europe in the short term。 A very sobering read。 。。。more
Martin
，
The historian Ian Kershaw’s ‘The Global Age: Europe 1950-2017’ is a remarkable work of concision。 It is the story of a continent trying to keep its past at bay， a past about which it tried to remain silent long after the cruel reigns of Hitler and Stalin ended。 In about 600 pages of text， Kershaw synthesizes a reservoir of scholarship on post-war Europe’s rebirth from the ashes of war and genocide。 Its focus is mostly political and economic history， although pop culture and the arts are not negl The historian Ian Kershaw’s ‘The Global Age: Europe 1950-2017’ is a remarkable work of concision。 It is the story of a continent trying to keep its past at bay， a past about which it tried to remain silent long after the cruel reigns of Hitler and Stalin ended。 In about 600 pages of text， Kershaw synthesizes a reservoir of scholarship on post-war Europe’s rebirth from the ashes of war and genocide。 Its focus is mostly political and economic history， although pop culture and the arts are not neglected here。 ‘The Global Age’ is the final volume in the Penguin publishing house’s ‘History of Europe’ series and Kershaw’s second contribution， following ‘To Hell and Back，’ which covered the first half of the 20th century。 Kershaw is best known for his groundbreaking work on the history of the Third Reich and unparalleled， two-volume biography of Hitler。 However， in his preface to the final installment of the Penguin series， the author admits that it was the most challenging book he has ever written。 He is not a specialist in the post-war period， and the Penguin series makes serious demands of its contributors: they must distill the spate of scholarship on subjects of enormous complexity， then craft a compelling narrative for the general （not specialized or academic） reader。 Kershaw succeeds。 He balances the imperatives of analytical and narrative history， managing to follow the progress （and regress） of liberal democracy and market economies in a continent nearly destroyed by two wars， then divided into essentially two continents: the （mostly） free societies and regulated market economies and welfare states of Western Europe， and， on the other side of the Iron Curtain， the authoritarian， repressive， one-party Communist states and command economies of Eastern Europe and the USSR。 Lying somewhere in between these poles were Turkey， Greece， Spain， and Portugal。 Seventy years of history， sweeping changes in 40 or so countries， and Kershaw never asks too much of the reader。 Moreover， he understands the interplay between large historical forces and contingency in shaping events。 Thus， we are not served a triumphalist tale of inevitable progress。 On the contrary， Europe’s incredible achievements （and they were incredible， considering the calamitous starting point of 1945） are contrasted with intractable problems and searing failures， namely the impotence of the European powers to stop the internecine violence in Yugoslavia in the 1990s。 And ‘The Global Age’ is timely。 Europe today （defined as the countries of the European Union minus England， and therefore not including Russia， Ukraine， etc。） faces some challenges similar to， though less daunting than， the ones it faced in the post-war period -- with the notable exception that there is no Cold War today between two superpowers （although the possibility of nuclear war， however distant， still exists）。 Namely， there is the big question of what should Europe be？ A federation of countries sharing a common currency， governed by a central government that supersedes the state sovereignty of its members？ The U。K。 referendum to exit the EU foreclosed on that already unlikely possibility。 What about the status quo？ The EU is upholding its commitment to human rights， pluralist politics， and market （neoliberal） economics despite the shocks of several crises of varying severity: the 2008 economic crash， the migration of millions of Middle Eastern refugees， globalization and the resulting income inequality， Islamic terrorism， stifling austerity politics， and Brexit， to name five trenchant issues。 Moreover， the relevance of the EU， with its faceless bureaucrats stashed away in Brussels， to the lives of ordinary people is waning。 The resulting inward-looking return to national （versus supranational） interests seems to threaten the ideals upon which the EU was built。 Yet democracy， even if it exists in facade form in nations like Hungary， is not seriously threatened by the populist， xenophobic parties of far right， whose anti-immigrant attitudes and justified economic anxieties make for a toxic mix。 At the same time， the high-taxation， robust public spending， welfare-state economic regimes of the 1950 to 1970 period are probably not coming back。 Kershaw argues the two oil crises of 1973 and 1979 were the final nails in the coffin of Keynesian economics in Western Europe。 What Kershaw calls neoliberalism （or monetarism）， championed by Thatcher/Reagan， eventually permeated the political economies of almost every Western European （and after 1991， Eastern European） state， subsuming the social democratic parties in the process。 The Scandinavian countries stand out as notable， although not total， exceptions。 Lower taxes， deregulation， cuts in public expenditure， the shrinking of the welfare state， and the demise of trade unionism therefore became the new norm across most of Europe。 The parties of what is generally referred to as democratic socialism， having long abandoned outdated class （Marxist/Leninist） rhetoric of the immediate post-war period， accept the inescapable reality of a global market economy。 The manufacturing bases around which worker solidarity formed， during galvanizing times of economic duress， have long since migrated to the developing world。This progress had real costs。 As mentioned， income inequality reached crisis levels。 And although individual consumers would come to expect limitless choices at their fingertips， in a consumer society unimaginable in the ruins of 1945， the elevation of individual pursuits （as well as privatization of industry and state services） marked a shift away from the collective， or society's sense that upholding a collective welfare should maintain priority over individual wants。 The road to political pluralism and market economies was dramatically different and immeasurably more complicated for the former Eastern Bloc。 The most satisfying， historically rich chapters of this book deal with the end of Communism in Eastern Europe and the USSR。 Kershaw’s treatment of Gorbachev and his reforms is superb。 As mentioned， it is easy to underestimate the influence of contingency on events。 In 1985， the Soviet Union， despite a sclerotic economy and widespread misery among its population， did not appear to be a few years from extinction。 It could have lived on， despite all its problems。 It could have tightened the clamp， to borrow Kershaw’s phrase。 But those problems inspired Gorbachev to launch his reform program with every intention of saving Soviet Communism from itself。 Contingency -- in this case， the personality of an influential ruler -- would change the world。 As Kershaw demonstrates， there could be no reform of Communism as long as it had to be defined as a single-party， authoritarian state， lacking civil liberties， with a command economy。 In essence， the train Gorbachev set in motion quickly overpowered his ability to control it; once the clamp was loosened， it proved impossible to re-tighten without bloody repression。 Gorbachev also found himself caught between the old conservatives who despised his reforms （because they were eroding the foundations of their power） and the more radical reformers who wanted him to move even faster。 Meanwhile， the winds of change were blowing over Eastern Europe from the west， where millions of brave citizens of Poland， Czechoslovakia， East Germany and elsewhere took to the streets， under threat of bloody crackdown， to demand freedom。 In some cases， the desired freedom was a better form of socialism， neither the robber baron capitalism that would come to define the economies of the former Soviet Republics and Russia itself， nor the neoliberal economics of the West。 As the corrupt， decrepit regimes of the Eastern Bloc grasped for answers to the popular unrest， Gorbachev forbade the use of force。 There would be no repeat of 1956 or 1968。 And this is where Gorbachev deserves credit as one of the most important individuals of the 20th century: as power slipped from his fingers， he did not form a fist。 （His economic reforms， on the other hand， failed）。 The fact that Communism swiftly and completely collapsed -- mostly without bloodshed -- remains one of the most unexpected and astonishing developments of the 20th century。Five stars for Ian Kershaw’s ‘The Global Age，’ a marvelous work of history。 In addition to the aforementioned issues， it also contains terrific chapters on the nuclear arms race， unification of Germany， and the end of the imperial empires of Old Europe。 Bravo！ 。。。more
Jakob Wasserhoevel
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Dies ist ein großartiges Geschichtsbuch， dass einen guten und aktuellen Überblick über die europäische Geschichte gibt。
Chuck
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I made it through the 700 ish pages。 It was very informative， packed with details。 Though not exactly a fun beach read I am glad I did read it and have a more thorough understanding of many events that I previously thought I knew all about。 I will keep on my self as an excellent reference。
Dave Schoettinger
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I read this book as an American who has been aware of changing perceptions of Europe on the part of Americans during the time period （1950-2017） covered。 If you look at American movies from prior to 1970， you find Europeans portrayed either as the embodiment of sophistication， culture and style， or as mysterious and sinister。 These stereotypes have faded in the 21st century and now many Americans， to the extent they think about Europe at all， seem to consider Europe a continent of decadent， irr I read this book as an American who has been aware of changing perceptions of Europe on the part of Americans during the time period （1950-2017） covered。 If you look at American movies from prior to 1970， you find Europeans portrayed either as the embodiment of sophistication， culture and style， or as mysterious and sinister。 These stereotypes have faded in the 21st century and now many Americans， to the extent they think about Europe at all， seem to consider Europe a continent of decadent， irreligious welfare states who are perennially ungrateful for the assistance the US provided during the first half of the 20th century to Europeans in their attempts to exterminate each other and then in rebuilding their countries from the resulting rubble。 Personally， I have long considered pizza， the Beatles， and the Eurostep as adequate recompense for the Marshall Plan， however Americans in general， Republicans in particular， and Donald Trump specifically are unaware of the difference between the terms ally and vassal， and are therefore perplexed by the temerity of European countries which ignore our instructions on how to run their countries。 Professor Kershaw provides in this book an overview of the political and economic history of postwar Europe。 He emphasizes the splitting of Europe by the Iron Curtain and the developments resulting from the curtain’s fall。 He delves into the attempts by European countries to achieve economic， and to a lesser extent political union。 The economic prosperity is covered as well as its impact on the differences between the haves and have-nots。 And finally he discusses the impact of the massive immigration into Europe in the past decade and how that is changing political calculations in much of Europe。 Although the book is not a page-turner， it is sufficiently interesting to keep the attention of a readers who appreciate general history。 。。。more
Geevee
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A book that offers much but with significant gaps and an absence of analysis。 Europe's story since 1950 is one of threat， change， success， challenge and improvement - perhaps lost opportunity too - and so promises a rollercoaster of a ride for the reader。 Ian Kershaw's book was， in the main， a pleasure to read and covers a great deal in its pages but like the aforementioned rollercoaster it has dips and can feel uneven at times。The early years leading to the 1960s is very well done and as the st A book that offers much but with significant gaps and an absence of analysis。 Europe's story since 1950 is one of threat， change， success， challenge and improvement - perhaps lost opportunity too - and so promises a rollercoaster of a ride for the reader。 Ian Kershaw's book was， in the main， a pleasure to read and covers a great deal in its pages but like the aforementioned rollercoaster it has dips and can feel uneven at times。The early years leading to the 1960s is very well done and as the story moves from the 1970s I started to feel the book was only partly delivering on its sub-title of Europe 1950-2017。I was disappointed not to see significant or more detailed mention of tourism， trade and culture。 The impact on Europe's nations and its fabric from tourism has changed economies， lives and indeed coastlines and other infrastructure with construction of resorts， roads， and airports。 Yet little is discussed。 Likewise trade: there's - naturally - mention of East and West and their differences and changes in traditional industry， but nothing on the success， for example， of the German car industry worldwide and how this drove and used technology。 Nothing on say high-tech or global European brands and how these contributed to wealth and global trade。 How design， manufacturing techniques and supply chains evolved。 Nothing on say Rotterdam's place in world shipping and logistics: nothing on fishing， and the political and environmental impacts （exhausted stocks and quotas）。 Nothing on Russia's supply of energy to much of western Europe。 There is sparse mention of sport; so nothing on the Olympic games or football， skiing or say motor sport - all again supporting international jobs in design， construction， technology and reaching far into and across Europe for dependent and interdependent industries。 Likewise， culture and arts。 Music is near ignored and yet its place in people's lives and as commercial ventures with performers on world stadium filling tours or classical concerts。 Not even a mention of the Eurovision song contest - an annual televised extravaganza that sees numerous European nations compete。 Nothing on how art has become and architecture draw people to museums， galleries and cities。The internet gets a simple single mention - it was invented by Tim Berners-Lee。 So nothing on how it （the internet） changed how people， governments and companies trade， work and speak with each other。 In this book it has no impact or influence on Europe - there is nothing on social media and how this is used or influences politics， discussion and people's beliefs or ability to view and challenge news and opinion。Surprising too was no mention whatsoever of the European Space Agency， or other European bodies who have played central roles in Europe and wider。 Nothing on Europe's work to help medicine （Red Cross/MSF）， disease （Ebola or Polio） and famine （Ethiopia， Biafra） or less palatably how crime and criminals in Europe responded to world， social and technological trends or indeed helped create global criminality - no mention of drugs， modern slavery or cyber crime; no mention on intelligence work （yet NATO for example gets lots of mentions）。 Not a single word on Europol or Interpol。All in all it was a useful book， but with much missing， including any sources or references， and the odd tiresome opinion from the author。 One wonders if this would have been a better book had it been split at say 1973 （oil crisis） or 1989 （collapse of the Soviet Union）。 。。。more
John
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